It took the hit television Fabio Fazio, impressed with his audience, to bring back on the agenda two categories, "space" of the political left and right.
With the help of Fini and Bersani has thus begun to return citizenship, within the political discourse to a bipartition that many, in good or in bad faith, they indignantly felt ideological un'anticaglia , passed in the post-modern time of globalization.
Nothing could be more wrong: right and left because the politics remain modern and contemporary art is not dogmatic or monolithic, but vague and conflicting. And the conflict is still playing right where history has placed, and where you have already shown, although in very different ways: around the same conditions and aims of political action. Which are, in summary, the primacy of obligations (the right) or rights (the left) or the prevalence of impersonal logic (the Customs, the State, the Nation, the Market, Security) to which the individual must adapt - and the different abilities of these adjustments comes the social hierarchy - (Right), or the principle of equal dignity of persons who, in their diversity, have the right to assert their own choices in life without succumbing to conditions not critically well-known and not freely accepted, what is, for example, sorting Constitution (the left).
Hot issues in politics today, which affect people's lives and families - the bio-politics, new forms of work and their care, welfare, education public, multiculturalism, immigration and even energy and environmental issues - have not a single solution, technical, or algebraic, as dictated by laziness qualunquistica and anti-politics. There are complex issues, which can be solved in various ways, which - if you think about it - are placed between the primacy of the instances of "superior" and the implicit logic hierarchy, and the primacy of equal dignity and personal freedom.
The point, in Italy, is that this dialectic physiological never occurred after the war. First, because domestic and international historical events that had made it necessary for the Centre, the Christian Democrats (most internally divided), to play from time to time (and simultaneously) both. Then, because the political struggle has developed around the conflict between both populist and personalistic adventure (Berlusconi), on the one hand, and, secondly, the law, the constitutional spirit, the democratic sensibilities (the rest of the political spectrum). The first united around him other than the right, economic and political leaders and many of the old socialism, and on the other side, the old distinctions between left and right have disappeared: the heirs of the DC and the PCI have created, together , a new party on the left side which is no doubt (at least not just its leading figures), while those who were claiming to be "left" in the traditional sense, out of the Democratic Party, did not find space. The political struggle it was exacerbated, yet simplified and impoverished, reduced to a conflict of good against evil, love against hate, against the institutions of the People. Impossible, in the case of permanent exception, the merits of the issues, develop analysis of the right or left.
What is happening in recent weeks, these days, is a twofold process: on the one hand, the constitutional front is enriched by the political sensitivity "Republican" Fini and his right hand, "modern" and the European and thus was a strong convergence necessary before we are living in democratic emergency, including institutional responsibilities and constitutional sensitivity. This process could (the conditional is a must) put in a minority blocking populist Berlusconi and Bossi. Second, the crisis of Berlusconi's own free saline dialectic between left and right, and this polarity allows to unfold (not the case, is born again the Centre, which is almost always present in the western theater of politics, at least where the system Election leaves him emerge). This indicator is the insistence with which Fini said his vocation to the right, while fighting against the right of Berlusconi and Bossi, and the desire of the left blowing in and out Pd, in the case Pisapia in Milan, and the success of Vendola (but it is another thing) are a good example.
The PD is therefore likely to pay dearly for not only the fact of being born in a bipolar and almost two-party (calling the majority), but also having to ally with Fli: choice so if you manage to create a government at the end of term, at least you change the electoral law as if it is going to early elections with Berlusconi at Palazzo Chigi with porcellum. One can imagine, in this second case, the enormous space that opens to the left, and also how this division of the opposing camp accounts Berlusconi.
But even if you were to vote with a new electoral law, allowing the emergence of multi-pole, the Democratic Party would have problems: he would be barred space of the Centre, headed by the convergence between Fini, Casini and Rutelli, and should move to the left, changing substantially in nature. There would be short, the risk that the project of the Democratic Party is in crisis, the concreteness of its history, the return of normality - that is a regulated and civilized political discourse - from the re-emergence of categorical and practical division between left and right. Carlo Galli
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