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Onicofagia: imperfections of those who eat the usual Hungarian: with the passage of time brings change in the form associated with infection and inflammation of the nail bed and nail groove. You can 'speak with the nail technology and specifically with the Bridge.

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KRISIS MAGNETISM

It took the hit television Fabio Fazio, impressed with his audience, to bring back on the agenda two categories, "space" of the political left and right.

With the help of Fini and Bersani has thus begun to return citizenship, within the political discourse to a bipartition that many, in good or in bad faith, they indignantly felt ideological un'anticaglia , passed in the post-modern time of globalization.

Nothing could be more wrong: right and left because the politics remain modern and contemporary art is not dogmatic or monolithic, but vague and conflicting. And the conflict is still playing right where history has placed, and where you have already shown, although in very different ways: around the same conditions and aims of political action. Which are, in summary, the primacy of obligations (the right) or rights (the left) or the prevalence of impersonal logic (the Customs, the State, the Nation, the Market, Security) to which the individual must adapt - and the different abilities of these adjustments comes the social hierarchy - (Right), or the principle of equal dignity of persons who, in their diversity, have the right to assert their own choices in life without succumbing to conditions not critically well-known and not freely accepted, what is, for example, sorting Constitution (the left).

Hot issues in politics today, which affect people's lives and families - the bio-politics, new forms of work and their care, welfare, education public, multiculturalism, immigration and even energy and environmental issues - have not a single solution, technical, or algebraic, as dictated by laziness qualunquistica and anti-politics. There are complex issues, which can be solved in various ways, which - if you think about it - are placed between the primacy of the instances of "superior" and the implicit logic hierarchy, and the primacy of equal dignity and personal freedom.

The point, in Italy, is that this dialectic physiological never occurred after the war. First, because domestic and international historical events that had made it necessary for the Centre, the Christian Democrats (most internally divided), to play from time to time (and simultaneously) both. Then, because the political struggle has developed around the conflict between both populist and personalistic adventure (Berlusconi), on the one hand, and, secondly, the law, the constitutional spirit, the democratic sensibilities (the rest of the political spectrum). The first united around him other than the right, economic and political leaders and many of the old socialism, and on the other side, the old distinctions between left and right have disappeared: the heirs of the DC and the PCI have created, together , a new party on the left side which is no doubt (at least not just its leading figures), while those who were claiming to be "left" in the traditional sense, out of the Democratic Party, did not find space. The political struggle it was exacerbated, yet simplified and impoverished, reduced to a conflict of good against evil, love against hate, against the institutions of the People. Impossible, in the case of permanent exception, the merits of the issues, develop analysis of the right or left.

What is happening in recent weeks, these days, is a twofold process: on the one hand, the constitutional front is enriched by the political sensitivity "Republican" Fini and his right hand, "modern" and the European and thus was a strong convergence necessary before we are living in democratic emergency, including institutional responsibilities and constitutional sensitivity. This process could (the conditional is a must) put in a minority blocking populist Berlusconi and Bossi. Second, the crisis of Berlusconi's own free saline dialectic between left and right, and this polarity allows to unfold (not the case, is born again the Centre, which is almost always present in the western theater of politics, at least where the system Election leaves him emerge). This indicator is the insistence with which Fini said his vocation to the right, while fighting against the right of Berlusconi and Bossi, and the desire of the left blowing in and out Pd, in the case Pisapia in Milan, and the success of Vendola (but it is another thing) are a good example.

The PD is therefore likely to pay dearly for not only the fact of being born in a bipolar and almost two-party (calling the majority), but also having to ally with Fli: choice so if you manage to create a government at the end of term, at least you change the electoral law as if it is going to early elections with Berlusconi at Palazzo Chigi with porcellum. One can imagine, in this second case, the enormous space that opens to the left, and also how this division of the opposing camp accounts Berlusconi.

But even if you were to vote with a new electoral law, allowing the emergence of multi-pole, the Democratic Party would have problems: he would be barred space of the Centre, headed by the convergence between Fini, Casini and Rutelli, and should move to the left, changing substantially in nature. There would be short, the risk that the project of the Democratic Party is in crisis, the concreteness of its history, the return of normality - that is a regulated and civilized political discourse - from the re-emergence of categorical and practical division between left and right. Carlo Galli

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WILLE ZUR MACHT POLITICAL DISSENT

OF POWER you can not do without, for this should be limited. Hannah Arendt wrote that the power needs no excuses "as is inherent in any political community." What they need is legitimacy. Regular exercise of political power in public and allow the limitation that best fits with the legality and individual freedom, or with the principles and practice of constitutional democracy. Arendt wrote in 1971, commenting on what the public America was discovering, thanks to the press: a pattern of systematic abuse of power deployed by the White House to fill the role of intelligence and State Department in Indochina and Vietnam since the Second World War.

Arendt laid bare the manipulation of information, lie deliberately orchestrated, the violation of the constitution and civil rights. Hiding behind the pretext of national interests, American leaders cared instead of protecting their image. Covered their real intentions and actions to be believed clear from the public. Assumed, therefore, that political power was just as public used it as a private matter - that's why their action was to remain hidden, because improper under the law, or because an abuse.

abuse of power is a very serious because it destroys a polity turning citizens into subjects, making it the subject of deception, putting them in a position of not knowing and then can not judge with jurisdiction, leaving the leader in the extraordinary freedom to do what he wants. Abuse undermines the confidence without which no damage political relations in a society based on law. Liberalism has taken the best of this problem, since he first assumed that the power you need, and secondly that its exercise stimulates appetite in men not get enough and therefore to abuse it. The power feeds the passion for power with an escalation toward fatal monopoly. All modern constitutions begin with the premise that one should always wait for the violation and abuse by those in power and to institutionalize this governmental functions and shaking the political power within strict rules and clear. From this liberal conception of the idea took shape that the only legitimacy that political power can acquire is that which comes from respect guarantees of individual liberty and, therefore, the limitation and control of power (limited in duration and intensity through the elections, the constitutionality and the separation of powers) through the constraints that govern who can not tamper with. Violate the limits that the defense of this freedom imposes equivalent to putting ourselves outside the law (a fact of sedition that led John Locke to justify the disobedience and rebellion, adding disconsolate tones that unfortunately people have more ability to suffer the abuses that rebel against them). The power that will not work for more political power, and then, but it's absolute rule and naked power so that makes those subjected to a servant in all respects. The difference between domain and government is all here.

Hannah Arendt's reflections fit like a glove with what is happening in our country. The fact that instead of an unjust war we are dancing in erotic relationships with minors and young women do not change the nature of arbitrary power. If anything makes it more depressing and sordid. But even in the Italian case, the handling, packaging art to the facts, and are hiding the weapons used by a government which, he explained Giuseppe D'Avanzo, has established a "crisis desk" to rewrite "the truth of the call on prime minister the police station. "concealment of the truth is, added the distortion of facts designed (with implications that put Italy in bad light in international relations) because the phone call to convince them to release the minor has been said that the girl was the granddaughter Egyptian President Mubarak. The Italian prime minister uses his authority as guardian of the national interest to cover its own wrongdoing. Abuse in the round, and also made fun of your country and lying involvement of a foreign state.

In a constitutional democracy the Prime Minister and the Ministers (the executive) receive legitimacy from the founding pact that sets the rules for their designation and their duration and, where appropriate, their removal to the possibility of being subjected to the ordinary justice "for crimes committed in the exercise of their functions "following the authorization of the Senate or the Chamber of Deputies (Article 96, which in the original formulation in 1947, then sopposta reviewed in 1989, was much more severe and included the possibility of putting in a" state of 'indictment', a formula similar impeachment American). These rules and limits that define political action as a result, stipulating that it belongs to the community policy and not to those who exercise it, which can not substitute his personal opinion on how to relate to the institutions that defined by law, from which he depends. The abuse stops just the public face of power by making exercise a fact all private at this point that the power you naked power, discretion in the hands of those who handle, as an instrument of privilege. The ruler who violates the rules governing his work takes possession of the power and turn to his interests. Nadia Urbinati

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